Gold buying trends and investment in saudi arabia Research Paper

Gold buying trends and investment in saudi arabia - Research Paper Example These conditions illustrate market failure since the investors are not aware of the possible opportunities (Trivedi & Behera 2012). Real estate investment is the most preferred option among the Saudi Arabian investors in comparison to gold (Smith 2011). Such occurs since the interest rates are low, the environment has a higher liquidity, there is a population increase and the demand for housing is high (Kelly 2011). Moreover, the government does not have adequate housing projects, which indicates why investors venture on this opportunity of real estate investment. On the other hand, women depict a viable market for the gold since they create a strong demand for the commodity. Women need gold for gifts and jewelry they represent during ceremonies (Rivlin 2009). However, sudden increase in the price of gold makes women not to buy jewelry and focus on other alternative commodities. Nevertheless, it is anticipated that as the population increases, the demand for gold will increase. Since ancient civilization in the Hejaz area, Jeddah creates a unique gold market (Karunagaran 2013). This is because Jeddah has a sea port and acts as a main gate to al medina and Makah, which makes it a strategic market for gold on annual basis during the hosting of the pilgrims. Saudi Arabian Investors are also oriented on economic activities, which are related to mineral fuels. Such occurs since the country is involved with the exportation of mineral fuels (Middle East Monitor: Gulf 2014). Other investors focus on foreign direct and indirect investments because they regard such investments as lucrative in terms of the returns on their investments and earnings on profits. Their major focus of foreign investments is in the United Kingdom, Japan, United States, Germany, France and Switzerland (Erb & Harvey 2013). Investors favor other alternative investments instead of gold because they consider such investments to have low risks in comparison to gold trade investment.

Influence And Power Of Political Dynasties Politics Essay

Influence And Power Of Political Dynasties Politics Essay The political dynasty undoubtedly plays an influential role in Philippine society. Families of political dynasties are sitting side by side to deliberate on important legislations that will affect the future of more than 80 million Filipinos both young and old for generations to come (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). It has been often contended that political dynasties go against the values upheld by democracy since it does not provide an equal opportunity for people to hold offices of power and service. With the set-up of the political dynasty, it seems as if positions of power are exclusively dominated by a particular clan or family. Arguably, the political dynasty is said to monopolize the system of governance since it limits the chances of other common Filipinos to serve the people. It creates a brain drain in the sense that the new and capable leader who could possibly perform better than those currently in office, would not be given an opportunity when running against someone wi th a name. Former Mayor, and now DILG Secretary Jesse Robredo of Naga City, who has firmly stood against political dynasties, he believes, The right to serve does not belong to one family alone. Ordinary people who deserve to be empowered should be given the opportunity to serve the community,  [1]  (Medel, 2007).It is undeniable that there are candidates who are voted into office simply because of their name and fame. Sons, siblings and even wives of politicians people who have no knowledge whatsoever of how to lead and serve, are voted into office simply because of their connection to previous leaders. Electoral votes are not so much based on the capability of one to serve, but rather on the name carried by one who is running. It is quite obvious that the family name of an elected official or a potential candidate plays a big role in the success of one who falls under the category of being part of a political family. It can be identified that power can be seen not only in exe rcises of excess but also in tangible things such as a candidates family name. This symbolic power could be seen as a perpetuation of the power system that runs through a political dynasty since it plays a big role in a dynastys continued existence and evolution. The validity of the political dynasty has always remained a highly debatable matter. Why do traditional political clans that which do not ground their resources based on their economic stance, still exist in the Philippine political arena despite some rejections by others that it does not provide equal opportunities for other candidates to run for public office? What key elements existing in these political dynasties make them dominant in the political arena up until today? Does the existence of the political dynasty really help the Filipino people, or is it just making the political maturity of the nation stagnant? (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). Despite the negative connotation brought about by political dynasties and its detrimental effects throughout Philippine history, political dynasties are not entirely negative and can bring certain positive effects. The solution to stop the negative effects linked to political dynasties is not to ban political dynasties in general, but inst ead, to educate people to vote more responsibly in choosing a leader. In this paper, I intend to find the factors that make political dynasties relevant today in the face of a democratic Philippine society by taking into consideration Michel Foucaults theory on power and Vladimir Lenins theory on organization. In line with what Michel Foucault mentioned in his work, Discipline and Punish, political dynasties in the Philippines are unique in a way that they possess dynamic qualities that keep them surviving up until today. He stressed in his work that power is exercised in ways that it can be excessive to maintain order and discipline in society. The example would be that of Francois Damiens  [2]  , who was publicly tortured and executed for his attempt to assassinate the sovereign. As Foucault recounts the event, one can see the display of the excessive use of power to punish Damiens for his actions, as seen in his recount wherein à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Damiens, who cried out profusely, though without swearing, raised his head and looked at himself; the same executioner dipped an iron spoon, in the pot containing boiling potion, which he poured liberally over each wound  [3]  (Focault, 1977). Here we can see the sovereigns excessive use of power to punish a subject who attempted to challen ge his sovereignty by attempting to take his life. Francois Damiens public torture and execution was made as an example to others that contesting the kings sovereignty would be subject to the same level of punishment or worse. What Michel Foucault was reiterating in his account of Damiens torture is that power is primarily being exercised on the body as a means of strategizing the deployments of power rather than to punish the violator by causing physical pain. The crime committed by Damiens was against the body of the king; therefore, the punishment that was given to the violator was also against his body, through the form of torture. The pain caused to the body was clearly not intended only for the body alone but rather reached out to those who have witnessed or heard about the execution. The gravity of such an event still touches on modernity in a way that whoever reads or hears about such an event could still feel the gravity of the excessive use of power. During the early 18th century, there was a display of excessive torture on the body according to Michel Foucault. In a span of a few decades, the process of torture became a process of organized disciplinary action in the form of a penal justice system. This evolution of torture saw the disappearance of punishment on the body and a loosening of the hold of the sovereign over the body. In the disappearance of punishment, it enters into the abstract consciousness of society rather than of perceptions. Moreover, there is a focus on the effectivity of punishment rather than of spectacles, wherein it focuses only on visibility or intensity of punishment such as that of Foucaults account of Damiens torture. On the loosening of hold of the sovereign on the body, one can see that punishment no longer touched the body but rather as Foucault would state, The body now serves as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon it to imprison it, or to make it work, it is in order to deprive the individual of a liberty that is regarded both as a right and as property  [4]  (Focault, 1977). In the spectacle of scaffolds, executioners served as the kings hand in punishing offenders. As time passed, doctors, psychiatrists, guidance counselors, judges and jail wardens now took over the executioners role of administering punishment. As Foucault aptly put it, To sum up, ever since the new penal system that defined by the great codes of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been in operation, a general process has led judges to judge something other than crimes; they have been led in their sentences to do something other than judge; and the power of judging has been transferred in part, to other authorities than the judges of the offence.   The whole penal operation has taken on extra-juridical elements and personnel.  [5]  (Focault, 1977). Negative Sides to Political Dynasties The very excess of the violence employed is one of the elements of glory: the fact that the guilty man should moan and cry out under the blows is not a shameful side effect, it is the very ceremonial of justice being expressed in all its force. Hence no doubt those tortures that take place even after death: corpses burnt, ashes thrown to the winds, bodies dragged on hurdles and exhibited at the roadside. Justice pursues the body beyond all possible pain  [6]  (Focault, 1977) Similar to what Foucault had studied about power relations, this paper, uses the same theory but relates it to the phenomenon of political dynasties in the Philippines. Throughout Philippine history, the political dynasty has taken on a negative connotation. Often linked to problems like graft, corruption, and abuse of power, it has taken on a detrimental role to society. Perhaps the most infamous of all would be the political dynasty of the Marcos family. Alleged to have embezzled between US$5 billion and US$10 billion from the Philippines, Transparency International  [7]  has ranked Ferdinand Marcos at second on a list of the worlds most corrupt political leaders of the past two decades; surpassed only by former Indonesian President Suharto (Ferdinand Marcos: Killer File, 2000). Names like the Estradas/Ejercitos and the Singson families have also linked the image of the political dynasty to allegations of graft and corruption. Luis Chavit Singson, governor of the province of Il ocos Sur, alleged that he had personally given Estrada the sum of 400 million pesos as payoff from illegal gambling profits such as jueteng, as well as 180 million pesos from the government price subsidy for the tobacco farmers marketing cooperative. Singsons allegation caused an uproar across the nation, which culminated in Estradas impeachment trial by the House of Representatives in November 13, 2000. A more recent example, would be that of the Ampatuans, whose name has been thrust to the limelight after the event of the Maguindanao Massacre  [8]  where 58 individuals consisting of their family rivals, the Mangudadatus, relatives and some journalists were shot and killed preventing them from filing their patrons certificate of candidacy. Families linked to political dynasties flood the news with allegations of all sorts of crime ranging from corruption, theft, murder and even rape. Regardless of whether these are proven or unproven, it all translates into the tarnished and dirty image that the political dynasty holds in todays society. This is exactly what Michel Foucault talks about in the spectacle of the scaffold wherein there is a display of an excessive use of power through torture. As Foucault mentions, there are three criterions where punishment must follow in order to fall under the category of torture. The first being, that it must manifest pain on a certain degree, that could be seen in the example of Francois Damiens torture. The second being that such pain is regulated in a way that suffering is maximized rather than imposing death immediately because this suffering would insure a more effective notice of change on the offenders part. Last but not least, perhaps the most important would be that torture ma rks the individual and that it should serve as a spectacle. Torture marking the individual means that there is a reclaiming of the sovereign by the ruler and that the making of the execution as a spectacle would serve as a public display of the rulers sovereignty. Such a public execution seeks to reach out to the whole of the society by letting the thought of punishment run through their consciousness making them aware of the total power of the sovereign, them serving as his subjects. The context of the logic of torture is that there is contempt for body, wherein the body serves a possession of the sovereign. There is a political need for the sovereign to display his power which will serve as a recognition of his dominance over his subjects. In addition, this display of power actually runs through an internal organization of politicization and serves as a disciplining factor towards order. As Foucault mentions how the Enlightenment period called torture as an atrocity, atrocity is one of those that best designates the economy of public torture in the old penal practice.  [9]  (Focault, 1977) Further, he states that insofar as being the crime before everyones eyes in all its severity, the punishment must take responsibility for this atrocity: it must bring to light by confessions, statements, inscription that make it public, it must reproduce it in ceremonies that apply it to the body of the guilty person in the form of humiliation and pain. Atrocity is that pa rt of the crime that the punishment turns back as torture in order to display it in the full light of day  [10]  (Focault, 1977) In light of Michel Foucaults study of power, he shows how the display of excessive power can serve as a negative connotation towards disciplining society. In relation to the existence of political dynasties, their display of excessive power by means of running private armies or reliance on coercion in order to establish and maintain their power, could very well serve as a detriment to public order as well as to their own existence. This is where Vladimir Lenins theory on organization can come into play because power alone in a democratic society, especially excessive power, can clash with the values of democracy while power coupled with proper organization could compromise with the said values. Organization, furthermore, would tweak how power is distributed, dispersed and used on the sovereigns subjects. In the case of political dynasties where power is seen to be a tool used for political domination, power alongside organization can produce an effective dynasty, which operates on be half of and for the public rather than for itself and its interests. Good Sides to Political Dynasties In his book, What is to be done?, Vladimir Lenin talks about the importance of organization to serve as a focusing of all efforts towards a certain goal. An organized exercise of power would mean that there is a proper system that is undergone where it is both regulated and directed towards achieving a goal rather than just a spectacle. In the case of political dynasties, despite the weaknesses that they are prone to, it also has its strengths. Political dynasties provide continuity and political stability which is particularly obvious in provinces such as those held by the Josons of Nueva Ecija, Ortegas of La Union, and Dys of Isabela. There is minimal political risk and this plays a huge role when it comes to investments. With the continuity offered by political dynasties, investors can be assured that laws do not change mid-stream of an investors project and that business agreements made in the past would still be upheld in the succeeding generations. This sparks an interest in t erms of foreign corporations doing business in third world countries since it takes out premium on political instability insurance (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). Furthermore, this continuity assures that the desired goal is achieved overtime and will be implemented throughout a long-term establishment made by these dynasties. In addition, their continued existence help promote continued progress and development, so long as the succeeding leader is actually capable and not just voted for his namesake. For example, a son who is to take the place of his fathers position in office, would be able to benefit from the experience and guidance of his father. Assuming that the succeeding leader has been trained from early on by the example of good leaders who have also lead from his dynasty, he would be able to emulate the good qualities and learn from mistakes made in the past as well as assure the constant upholding of the good qualities taught by his predecessors. By this process of lear ning from the example of the previous generations, they would have a huge advantage in terms of leadership and experience. An example of a prosperous region, which has been ruled under a political dynasty for over a century, is La Union. The family of Ortegas have occupied elective and appointed positions in the province since the 20th century. In 1901, Joaquin Ortega was appointed governor by the US colonial administration. In 2006, ten Ortegas were holding various elective posts in La Union  [11]  (Medel, 2007). The prosperity of the region speaks clearly, of how well the dynasty has managed. Boasting a 97% literacy rate and a 94.77% employment rate, La Union is classified as a first class province (La Union, 2007). The City of San Fernando is now the seat of national government agencies in Region I and center of trade, commerce, financial and educational institutions, among others. From a deep rooted potential of stable community governance, to international shipping, an airport with viable capacity to accommodate international air traffic, natural terrain conducive to tourism development and a pe ople endowed with cultural and virtuous heritage of industry, spirituality, nationalism and aspiration for growth, peace and prosperity, the City of San Fernando has emerged as the booming Metropolis of the North. (San Fernando City). In response to issues raised regarding the continued existence of a political dynasty in the region, Mayor Mary Jane C. Ortega replies, It is not an issue. Why punish people who deliver? Like in Frankfurt, they have a Mayor for 25 years and she keeps delivering. Look how developed Frankfurt is. It is not an issue if you are in power for a long time. It is not actually the length of service. It is the quality of service that you give. If the leader delivers, why punish him/ her? On the other hand, if you have a term limitation, three years is too long kung hindi naman nagdedeliver,  [12]  (Medel, 2007). Another respectable leader belonging to families with a background in political dynasties include Senator Mar Roxas, son of the illustrious Senator Gerry Roxas, and the grandson of the venerable President Manuel Roxas whose public service careers have greatly benefited the country. Mars public service life began in the House of Representatives in 1993. After his congressional stint, he was appointed as Secretary of the Department of Trade and Industry; and then in 2004, he was elected to the Senate with a staggering 20 million votes the largest ever obtained by a candidate in any Philippine election. Mars stint in the House is most noted for his principal authorship of RA 7880, also known as the Roxas Law, which ensures fair distribution of the education capital budget among all the provinces. This gave life to his advocacy for fair and equitable access to education, free from regional bias and political patronage considerations. Owing to his record of accomplishments as a public se rvant and political leader, the international community described Mar as one of the young leaders in politics and business who will bring Asia and the Pacific to the forefront of world affairs. (Senator Mar A. Roxas) At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Mar was named as one of the Global Leaders of Tomorrow who is expected to shape the future. (Senator Mar A. Roxas) Recently, the Singapore Government has awarded him as the 16th Lee Kuan Yew Fellow (Senator Mar A. Roxas). Another example of a leader who has chosen to stick by his principles despite the temptations offered by that of a political dynasty is Governor Barbers. Governor Robert Lyndon S. Barbers is the eldest son of Senator Robert Bobby Z. Barbers and Vergie Smith of Makati City. The family has a deep-rooted background in politics. His brother was second district Rep. of Surigao del Norte and was succeeded by other family members who ran for governor in the province. Despite his familys involvement in a political dynasty, Lyndon Barbers has made a clear stand against nepotism; relatives are banned from benefiting from any project on account of his position as Governor. This has been proven on several instances. A relative of his was once caught operating a sand-gravel quarrying business without a license or permit and was brought to court. In another instance, a cousin of his was arrested for illegal gambling operations  [13]  (Medel, 2007). In addition, there are many other families be longing to political dynasties that have also contributed a great deal into building the nation and serving its people. Families like the Magsaysays, Osmenas, Biazons, Cayetanos, Villars, Duavits, Escuderos, Espinas, Gordons, Madrigals, Mitras Plazas, and Rectos have done a good job of keeping a clean image. These are the leaders who prove that the political dynasty can be beneficial to society so long as it does not abuse its power. It cannot be discounted that one will not practice the use of power, although, there can be ways wherein this power can be diverted into good reasons to achieve societal order and development. This is what Vladimir Lenin is stresses when he mentions in his work that, Such workers, average people of the masses, are capable of displaying enormous energy and self-sacrifice in strikes and in street, battles with the police and the troops, and are capable (in fact, are alone capable) of determining the outcome of our entire movement but the struggle against the political police requires special qualities; it requires professional revolutionaries  [14]  (Lenin, 1902). In this quotation, Lenin stresses that organizing a mass of people requires a strategic use of power as opposed to a fueling of the mobs emotions. A possible historical example would be that of the American Revolution in contrast to the French revolution. The French revolution had failed to recognize their freedom becaus e they failed to organize their efforts of systemizing their revolution. The leaders of the French revolution relied solely on power and doing so led to the abuse and struggle of power. In the end, the French revolution served as a spectacle of disorganization, wherein towards the end, Napoleon Bonapartes emergence to take hold of power was recognized. This emergence of Napoleon from this disorganization is an opposite to that of an organized succession and transfer of power seen in the American Revolution. The American Revolution, through proper organization, gave birth to freedom, liberty and equality among the states. The transfer and succession of power from one president to another required organization as well as a regulation of their, being the presidents, powers. The political dynasty has its own share of pros and cons. There are examples of good political dynasties as well as bad ones. However, it is usually the faults of the political dynasty that are highlighted and scrutinized. More often than not, the news is filled with reports about charges of theft, plunder and whatnot. As a result of which, many have turned to the solution of trying to ban political dynasties completely. Laws Regarding Political Dynasties In terms of the legality of political dynasties, Art. II, Sec. 26 of the Constitution says, The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law. However, there is no clear definition of political dynasties and therefore the provision is none self-executing. It is the most ignored policy by Congress due to certain reasons. The framers left it to the congress to define political dynasties which it has not done (Cruz, 2007). This loophole in the law has allowed the political dynasty to continue up to the present day even if it is technically not allowed. The only law being actively enforced to prevent the abuse of power is the term limits on elective positions. However, providing a term limit for elective officials is easily countered by having families pass on their power. To retain political hold on his constituents, a forcibly retired official arranges to have his wife, a mistress, one of his children, his own siblings, or a parent to occupy his position for one term. After which, he will be qualified again to run for office (Cruz, 2007). In an effort to ban political dynasties, there was an anti-dynasty bill that was filled by Majority Floor Leader Arthur Defensor of Iloilo. Section Five of House Bill 783, which reads, Any person who has a political dynasty relationship with an incumbent elective official is disqualified from running for any elective public office within the same city and/or province where the elective public official is running. This bill will only be proactive. It will not affect those who are already currently holding positions. The bill also limits the definition of a political dynasty relationship as existing only among relatives up to the second degree of affinity or consanguinity. Thus, only the spouse, children, siblings or parents of the incumbent are deemed disqualified and similar in-law relationship. The bill disallows a relative of an incumbent from running for a position like governor, vice governor, mayor, vice mayor, as these positions are vested executive power. Another distinct feat ure of this bill is that it allows relatives of the incumbent to run for posts such as board member or councilor where power is shared owing to the collegial nature of the office. The idea of the bill is to bar relatives from holding positions where power is concentrated in an individual, but not from positions where decision-making is made through deliberation and consensus (Bordadora, 2007). Solution to Problems Regarding Political Dynasties Although this new bill seems like a good and effective idea for countering the negative effects of the existence political dynasties, it has yet to have been decided by legislators whether this will be fully implemented or not. It is up to the Congress to decide whether this bill will be passed and it seems highly unlikely that they will do so. This is partly due to the fact that political dynasties have become so much a part of the current system of governance that it is almost impossible to change. I dont think it has much of a chance under the present Congress, stated Defensor regarding his opinion on possibility of the bill being passed (Bordadora, 2007). Like it or not, the emergence of political dynasties in the Philippines still operate well within the framework of so-called democracy (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). No matter how much effort is put against the political dynasty, it is here to stay. It is simply futile to hope for any change regarding the current laws on political dynasties. Instead of looking at something that is simply out of reach, people should realize that there lies a much simpler solution. It would be impossible to ban all political dynasties in general; however, it is possible to put an end to the bad political dynasties. People should realize that they are the ones who elect their leaders into office. No matter how strong a political dynasty may be, sovereignty is held by the people. At the end of the day, it will be the people to decide whether or not a dynasty will be succeeded. Absolute power is when you have a dictatorship. We still have to go through an election. The electorate will be the ones to dic tate who are the ones who will lead. The people have the power, not the officials  [15]  (Medel, 2007). All this talk about outlawing political dynasties and its bad effects would not even be necessary if people were to vote more responsibly. What is happening in todays society is that the people are the ones choosing to make themselves powerless. They are quick to find faults in the system and demand for change, yet they do nothing to actually work for change. People need to realize that as much as the bad political dynasties are to blame, they are also responsible for allowing these dynasties to remain in power. Ultimately, people have the power to put a stop to political dynasties if the need arises. If they see that a certain dynasty abuses their power, they possess the power and responsibility to vote towards a change in leadership. On the other hand, if a dynasty is doing a good job, then they have the option to allow the dynasty to continue in the succeeding generations. According to then Representative of Tarlac and now President Benigno Aquino, the issue of whether a member of a political family should continue in office or not is a matter of public choice. At the end of the day, people deserve the government they get, he said (Cusi, 2004). That being said, these traditional political dynasties, that which do not ground their resources based on their economic stance, are still existing up to this day because they dont just merely exercise power on behalf of their families but rather they direct this power towards an ordered use to improve the publics welfare which is the way its supposed to be in a democratic society. While progress continues to be delivered by these political clans to their constituents, then their dominance and relevance in the Philippine political arena and society will be here to stay. On the other hand, if one lacks or exceeds in either their organization or exercise of power, then that dynasty is bound to fail. All in all, it is difficult to make a generalization whether the political dynasty is in fact good or bad since this would differ on a case-to-case basis. It can be detrimental to Philippine society on some instances, yet beneficial on other cases. There are both good political dynasties and bad ones. Each political dynasty has its own strengths and weaknesses and it is the duty of the people to be the judge. The political dynasty, like any other system of leadership, is prone to error. After all, no system of government is truly perfect; problems will always arise. What are needed are the unified efforts of each and every individual to continually strive in building the nation into a better place.

Seamus Heaney & Tony Curtis Essay -- English Literature

Seamus Heaney & Tony Curtis On initial reading both the Follower and Strongman are simply about a son's relationship with their father. Whilst this relationship is a central theme of both poems, the poems also explore a range of issues including cultural identity, guilt and social class. This essay will attempt to analyse both poems individually and to also identify areas of conflict and similarity between the poems. The first two words of Follower by Seamus Heaney are "My father" which immediately establishes the poet's emotionally involved relationship with the subject of the poem. In contrast the poet of Strongman writes in the third person for the majority of the poem and it is only really in the last two lines that the poet establishes that he is addressing the poem to the son. Both poems create a vivid picture of physically strong fathers who draw on their physical strength by undertaking skilled manual jobs to support their families "My father worked with a horse-plough" and "A carpenter who could punch nails into wood with a clench fist". Seamus Heaney employs the use of a number of sea images in helping the reader to visualise the immense strength and stamina of his father's body "His shoulders globed like a full sail strung" and "Sometimes he rode me . Dipping and rising to his plod". Similarly Tony Curtis employs powerful visual imagery to illustrate the father in his poem as the pivot of a roundabout with his five sons as seats/chairs swinging from his arms as he "would stretch his arms and hang his five sons from them, turning like a roundabout". This is a very successful simile as it encapsulates the swinging motion of the father playing with his children and on a deeper note the fathe... ...man focuses on the reversed roles of the father and son. The original role of the father as the provider and central axis in the family has now disappeared to the extent that it is now the son who not only cares for the father physically but also emotionally as he reassures the father with "No trouble - he said, no trouble, Dad". The final likes of the poem encapsulate the indignities of sickness and old age. The use of minimalist, stark language, without the use of unnecessary adjectives heightens the poignancy of the last lines. In conclusion both Follower and Strongman are brief but effective poems that successfully portray father - son relationships. The readers are allowed an intimate snapshot/glimpse into these relationships. Both poems describe the permanent bonds between fathers and sons whilst also effectively addressing how these bonds evolve.

Sociology Katelyn Hofstetter

Women’s Rights The social position of Muslim women differs tthroughout time periods and countries, such as Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. The consequences of breaking the laws in these nations differ as well. In addition, different social factors affect the way Muslim women are treated. These social positions are perceived differently amongst men and women in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. In Afghanistan, the leaders of the past Resistance turned Muslim Afghanistan into a strict theocratic state by incorporating religion into the state laws.This theocratic state, also known as the Islamic state of Afghanistan, along with the mujahideen, limited women’s rights in 1992 (Goodwin, 2003:78). Specifically, women are required to follow a strict dress code of wearing proper veils and are banned from watching television or listening to the radio. When a Muslim woman gets married, she becomes her in-law’s property. Women are also prohibited from working, wearing perfum e, receiving an education, participating in political elections and showing any body part that can be considered erotically enticing.In addition, a Muslim woman cannot talk to men that are not related to her (Goodwin, 2003:78-79). One reason women’s rights are restricted is the lack of education and illiteracy of Afghan women. Being illiterate prevents a woman from studying Islam. Therefore, when someone tells her something is Islamic, she automatically believes him because she has no way of knowing otherwise. Not only does illiteracy prevent Muslim women from studying Islam, but it also prevents them from studying their legal rights and the Qur’an. Studying the Qur’an and legal rights would cause women to understand what really is Islamic. https://donemyessay.com/sociology-exam-3-chapters-6-8/Women may lack knowledge of how women live in other nations. Therefore, these women do not resist their lack of rights because they are uninformed of alternative lifestyles of women. In 1921, women’s rights drastically changed. The veil was banned and the first school for girls opened (Goodwin, 2003:88 and 90). In 1964, the constitution of Afghanistan granted equal status to men and women and coeducation (Goodwin, 2003:89). Communism did take over Afghanistan after that event and Aghanistan’s laws for women became much more conservative.Hamida, a college-educated Afghan woman had to stay home with other women and wear the traditional veil due to the drastic change in women’s rights. She greatly suffered and experienced many physical problems due to the drastic change in rights. Her level of education may have been a factor to her sthrong reaction (Goodwin, 2003:91). Hamida’s reaction demonstrates how ed ucated women have a sthronger negative reaction than uneducated women in terms of restrictions. In Iran, women must wear their hijab properly and remain entirely covered in public as soon as they are mature enough to be married.Women are considered mature enough to marry by the age of 9 (Goodwin, 2003:107). According to Zahra Qasim, a store clerk in Iran, dress restrictions are not always formally written down, so rules are somewhat unclear, which leads to women being punished due to laws they are unaware of (Goodwin, 2003:108). Banning the veil could be perceived just as oppressive if not more, than requiring women to wear a veil. Due to banning the veil, some women feel uncomfortable going in public without a veil, causing women to avoid going out in public whenever possible (Hoodfar, 1993).Therefore, wearing the veil in Iran is part of culture and society in Iran. Another reason behind the dress restrictions is husbands feel in control when their wives wear a veil (Goodwin, 2003: 109). Rahnavard has a different perspective on the veil. She believes â€Å"women in the west have been enslaved by fashion, makeup, and turned into objects of sexual attention. â€Å"The veil frees women from the shackles of fashion and enables them to become human beings in their own right,’ she claimed. Once people cease to be distracted by women’s physical appearance, they can begin to hear their views and recognize the inner person’† (Goodwin, 2003: 112-113). Therefore, Rahnavard believes Western women are more oppressed than Muslim women. The veil protects women from being judged and discriminated based on physical appearance, something western women are not protected from. Despite the positive perspectives of the veil in Iran, there are discrepancies between the rights of men and women. Despite the positive perspectives of the veil in Iran, there are discrepancies between the rights of men and women.Maryam Rajavi ran the mujahideen with her husban d and mobilized Iranian women against suppressive regimes, which was the cause of many supporters of Shah to attempt to assassinate Rajavi. Although they did not assassinate Rajavie, they were successful in executing two of her sisters (Goodwin, 2003: 122). Such aassassinations demonstrate how many Iranians sthrongly appose a change in women’s rights. When women fail to follow the rules Iran reinforces, the common punishment involves whipping the woman. Jan Goodwin explains the experience of being whipped as â€Å"The lack of power, being robbed of all dignity.It was a disgusting experience, so degrading, and as violating in its way as rape† (Goodwin, 2003: 112). Within Iran, there are inequalities amongst men and women. For instance, laws in terms of execution differ among genders. Girls have to be at least 9 years old to be executed while boys have to be at least 16 years old (Goodwin, 2003:115). Women can not divorce without the husband’s consent. When a divo rce does occur, the husband typically gets custody of the children (Goodwin, 2003:114). In addition, women must remain virgins before mmarriage. Within the Islamic religion, it is believed virgins automatically go to Paradise following death.This is not necessarily the case for women that lose their virginity before mmarriage. If it is discovered that an unmarried woman is not a virgin, they may be forced to get married (Goodwin, 2003:115). Ssimilarly to Iranian laws, Pakistan also prohibits sex before mmarriage, which is termed as Zina laws. A large ppercentage of the women in Pakistan experience punishment for committing Zina. When a woman commits Zina, despite whether or not she had sex voluntarily, the woman is punished and the man is not. Men often report that a woman committed Zina as a form of revenge of the woman’s close male relative, despite if she really committed Zina.One can only attest that an assault occurred if there are at least four male witnesses that were present during the act and agree that it happened (Goodwin, 2003:51-53). 75% of women in jail are charged with Zina (Goodwin, 2003:52). Such a high ppercentage demonstrates the commonality of charging someone with Zina. The value of a woman’s life is considered half that of a man’s in Pakistan (Goodwin, 2003:55). Women’s lives are so restrictive they are sometimes only allowed outside their home three times in their lifetime, when they are born, when they get married, and when they die.In addition, the windows are frosted so no outsiders can see the woman in her house (Goodwin, 2003:56-57). The cause of the lack of women’s rights is due to education; Pakistani women lack knowledge about their rights (Goodwin, 2003:71). Socioeconomic class plays a factor in women’s rights in Pakistan. The elite rich live in a westernized lifestyle. For instance, the elite have a lifestyle full of materialism. Women often have boyfriends in private, participate in se xual aactivity prior to mmarriage, drink alcohol at parties, and watch movies that have been banned in Pakistan.Unlike the lower socioeconomic classes, the elite women are not considered property to her husband and do not have to live a domesticated lifestyle because they frequently hire people to perform the chores wives are expected to do in a lower class. In this elite class, the parent's of sons arrange their mmarriage with a well-educated woman. The parent's of daughters look for a husband that is professional with an American green card (Goodwin, 2003:68-69). The film, A Matter of Honor, informs the viewer that in Pakistan, Honor Killings are when a woman is killed due to acts that are prohibited through the religious laws the country follows.Family members commit Honor Killings for the sole purpose of preserving the honor of the family. Honor Killings are more common among rural and uneducated people because they do not know how to read the Qur’an to build perceptions from the accurate meanings of the verses. Honor Killings are technically illegal in Pakistan, but they are rarely enforced. Muslim women’s rights are different among different countries and there are many opposing perspectives on Muslim women’s rights. In addition, the reasons why women’s rights continue to be restrictive differ as well.One commonality among Afghanistan and Iran is the wearing of the veil. There are several different perspectives as to why the veil is worn. There are other laws regarding what women can and can not do in which Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan enforce. Not only are there different laws that are enforced, but they way they are enforced differ amongst different factors as well. Despite the trends in the way women are treated in these countries, it is important that people do not generalize these practices among all Muslim women, as this habit leads to false assumptions.

Cory aquino Essay

Marà ­a Corazà ³n Sumulong â€Å"Cory† Cojuangco Aquino was born on January 25, 1933, in Paniqui, Tarlac, Marà ­a Corazà ³n â€Å"Cory† Sumulong Cojuangco was the fourth child of Josà © Cojuangco, Sr. and Demetria Sumulong. Her siblings were Pedro, Josephine, Teresita, Jose, Jr. and Maria Paz. Both Aquino’s parents came from prominent clans. Her father was a prominent Tarlac businessman and politician, and her great-grandfather, Melecio Cojuangco, was a member of the historic Malolos Congress. Her mother, Demetria, belonged to the Sumulong family of Rizal who were politically influential; Juan Sumulong, a prominent member of the clan, ran against Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon in 1941. As a young girl, she spent her elementary days at St. Scholastica’s College in Manila, where she graduated on top of her class and batch as valedictorian. For high school, she transferred toAssumption Convent for her first year of high school. Afterwards, she went to the United States to finish her secondary education. There she continued her college education. She went to theCollege of Mount Saint Vincent in New York City, where she majored in Mathematics and French. During her stay in the United States, Aquino volunteered for the campaign of U.S. Republican presidential candidate Thomas Dewey against then Democrat U.S. President Harry S. Truman during the 1948 U.S. Presidential Election. After graduating from college, she returned to the Philippines to study law at the Far Eastern University (owned by the in-laws of her elder sister, Josephine Reyes) for one year. She married Sen.Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., son of the late Speaker Benigno S. Aquino, Sr. and a grandson of General Servillano Aquino. The couple had five children: Marà ­a Elena (born August 18, 1955), Aurora Corazà ³n (born December 27, 1957), Benigno Simeon III (born February 8, 1960), Victoria Elisa (born October 27, 1961) and Kristina Bernadette (born February 14, 1971). Corazà ³n Aquino had difficulty initially adjusting to provincial life when she and her husband moved to Concepcion, Tarlac in 1955. Aquino found herself bored in Concepcion, and welcomed the opportunity to have dinner with her husband inside the American military facility at nearby Clark Field. A member of the Liberal Party, Aquino’s husband Ninoy rose to become the youngest  governor in the country and eventually became the youngest senator ever elected in the Senate of the Philippines in 1967. During her husband’s political career, Aquino remained a housewife who helped raise their children and played hostess to her spouse’s political allies who would frequent their Quezon City home. She would decline to join her husband on stage during campaign rallies, preferring instead to stand at the back of the audience and listen to him. Unknown to many, she voluntarily sold some of her prized inheritance to fund the candidacy of her husband. She led a modest existence in a bungalow in suburban Quezon City. Ninoy Aquino soon emerged as a leading critic of the government of President Ferdinand Marcos. He was then touted as a strong candidate for president to succeed Marcos in the 1973 elections. However, Marcos, being barred by the Constitution to seek a third term, declared martial law on September 21, 1972, and later abolished the existing 1935 Constitution, thereby allowing him to remain in office. As a consequence, her husband was among those to be first arrested at the onset of martial law, later being sentenced to death. During his incarceration, Ninoy sought strength from prayer, attending daily mass and saying the rosary three times a day. As a measure of sacrifice and solidarity with her husband and all other political prisoners, she enjoined her children from attending parties and she also stopped going to the beauty salon or buying new clothes until a priest advised her and her children to instead live as normal lives as possible. In 1978, despite her initial opposition, Ninoy decided to run in the 1978 Batasang Pambansa elections. A reluctant speaker, Corazà ³n Aquino campaigned in behalf of her husband, and for the first time in her life delivered a political speech. In 1980, upon the intervention of U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Marcos allowed Senator Aquino and his family to leave for exile in the United States, where he sought medical treatment.[4] The family settled in Boston, and Aquino would later call the next three years as the happiest days of her marriage and family life. On August 21, 1983, however, Ninoy ended his stay in the United States and returned without his family to the Philippines, only to be assassinated on a staircase leading to the tarmac of the Manila International Airport, which was later renamed in his honor (see Assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.). Corazà ³n Aquino returned to the Philippines a few days later and led her husband’s funeral procession, in  which more than two million people joined the procession. Following her husband’s assassination in 1983, Aquino became active and visible in various demonstrations and protests held against the Marcos regime. She began to assume the mantle of leadership left by her husband Ninoy and started to become the symbolic figurehead of the anti-Marcos political opposition. In the last week of November 1985, Marcos surprised the nation by announcing on American television that he would hold a snap presidential election in February 1986, in order to dispel and remove doubts against his regime’s legitimacy and authority. Reluctant at first, Aquino was eventually prevailed upon to heed the people’s clamor, after one million signatures urging her to run for president were presented to her. Despite this, the erstwhile favorite opposite candidate, Laurel, did not immediately give way to his close friend’s widow. Laurel was only convinced to run as Aquino’s Vice President upon the urging of the influential Manila Cardinal Archbishop Jaime Sin. As a compromise, Aquino agreed to run under Laurel’s machinery, the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), then the country’s largest opposition party. With that, the Aquino-Laurel tandem was formally launched to challenge Marcos and finally put an end to his twenty-year martial rule. In the subsequent political developments and events, Marcos charged that Aquino was being supported by communists and agreed to share power with them once elected into power. A political novice, Aquino categorically denied Marcos’ charge and even stated that she would not appoint a single communist to her cabinet. Running on the offensive, the ailing Marcos also accused Aquino of playing â€Å"political football† with the United States with respect to the continued United States military presence in the Philippines at Clark Air Base and Subic Naval Base. Further, the male strongman derided Aquino’s womanhood, by saying that she was â€Å"just a woman† whose place was in the bedroom. In response to her opponent’s sexist remark, Aquino simply remarked that â€Å"may the better woman win in this election.† Marcos also attacked Aquino’s inexperience and warned the country that it would be a disaster if a woman like her with no previous political experience would be elected president; to which Aquino cleverly and sarcastically responded, admitting that she had â€Å"no experience in cheating, lying to the public, stealing government money, and killing political opponents.† The snap election called by Marcos which was held on February 7, 1986 was marred by massive electoral fraud, violence, intimidation, coercion and disenfranchisement of voters. Election Day proved to be bloody as one of Aquino’s staunchest allies Antique Governor Evelio Javier was brutally murdered, allegedly by one of Marcos’ supporters in his province. Further, during the counting and tallying of votes conducted by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), 30 poll computer technicians walked out to dispute and contest the alleged election-rigging done in favor of Marcos. Despite this, the Batasang Pambansa, which was dominated by allies of the ruling party, declared President Marcos as the winner in the recently concluded snap presidential election on February 15, 1986. In protest to the declaration of the Philippine parliament, Aquino called for a rally dubbed â€Å"Tagumpay ng Bayan† (People’s Victory Rally) the following day, during which she claimed that she was the real winner in the snap election and urged Filipinos to boycott the products and services by companies controlled or owned by Marcos’ cronies. The rally held at the historic Rizal Park in Luneta, Manila drew a mammoth-sized crowd, which sent a strong signal that Filipinos were already growing tired of Marcos’ two decade-rule. Further, the dubious election results drew sharp reactions from both local quarters and foreign countries. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines issued a statement strongly criticizing the conduct of the election which was characterized by violence and fraud. The United States Senate condemned the election. Aquino rejected a power-sharing agreement proposed by the American diplomatPhilip Habib, who had been sent as an emissary by U.S. President Ronald Reagan to help defuse the tension. After weeks of tension following the disputed outcome of the snap election, disgruntled and reformist military officers, led by then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel V. Ramos, surprised the entire nation and the whole world when they announced their defection from President Marcos and their strong belief that Aquino was the real winner in the presidential election on February 22, 1986. Upon the urging and encouragement of the activist Cardinal Archbishop of Manila Jaime Sin, millions of Filipinos trooped to Camp Aguinaldo along Epifanio De los Santos Avenue (EDSA), where Enrile and Ramos have been holding operations, to give their moral support and prayers for the reformist soldiers. At that time, Aquino was meditating in a Carmelite convent in Cebu. Upon learning of the defection, Aquino called on  Filipinos to rally behind Minister Enrile and General Ramos. Later on, Aquino flew back to Manila in order to prepare to assume the presidency upon the ouster of Marcos. Finally, to the amazement and admiration of the entire world, after twenty years of martial rule, Ferdinand Marcos was driven out from power and Corazà ³n Aquino was formally and peacefully sworn in as the new president of a freed and liberated Philippines on February 25, 1986, a historic event which is now known and remembered as the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. In Presidency, the triumph of the peaceful People Power Revolution and the ascension of Corazà ³n Aquino into power signaled the end of authoritarian rule in the Philippines and the dawning of a new era for Filipinos. The relatively peaceful manner by which Aquino came into power drew international acclaim and admiration not only for her but for the Filipino people, as well. During the first months of Aquino’s presidency, the country experienced radical changes and sweeping democratic reforms. One of Aquino’s first moves was the creation of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), which was tasked to go after the Marcos ill-gotten wealth. Aquino, being a revolutionary president by virtue of people power, abolished the 1973 â€Å"Marcos Constitution† and dissolved the Marcos allies-dominated Batasang Pambansa, despite the advice of her vice-president and only prime minister Salvador Laurel. She also immediately created a Constitutional Commission, which she directed for the drafting of a new constitution for the nation. Immediately after assuming the presidency, President Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3, which established a revolutionary government. She abolished the 1973 Constitution that was in force during martial law, and instead promulgated the provisional 1986 Freedom Constitution, pending the ratification of a new Constitution by the people. This allowed her to exercise both executive and legislative powers until the ratification of the new Philippine Constitution and the establishment of a new Congress in 1987. Aquino promulgated two landmark legal codes, namely, the Family Code of 1987, which reformed the civil law on family relations, and the Administrative Code of 1987, which reorganized the structure of the executive branch of government. Another landmark law that was enacted during her tenure was the 1991 Local  Government Code, which devolved national government powers to local government units (LGUs). The new Code enhanced the power of LGUs to enact local taxation measures and assured them of a share in the national revenue. Aquino closed down the Marcos-dominated Batasang Pambansa to prevent the new Marcos loyalist opposition from undermining her democratic reforms and reorganized the membership of the Supreme Court to restore its independence. In May 1986, the reorganized Supreme Court declared the Aquino government as â€Å"not merely a de facto government but in fact and law a de jure government†, whose legitimacy had been affirmed by the community of nations. This Supreme Court decision affirmed the status of Aquino as the rightful leader of the Philippines. To fast-track the restoration of a full constitutional government and the writing of a new charter, she appointed 48 members of the 1986 Constitutional Commission (â€Å"Con-Com†), led by retired activist Supreme Court Associate Justice Cecilia Muà ±oz-Palma. The Con-Com completed its final draft in October 1986. On February 2, 1987, the new Constitution of the Philippines, which put strong emphasis on civil liberties, human rights and social justice, was overwhelmingly approved by the Filipino people. As soon as she assumed the presidency of the Philippines, Aquino moved quickly to tackle the issue of the US$26 billion foreign debt incurred by her predecessor, which has badly tarnished the international credit standing and economic reputation of the country. After weighing all possible options such as choosing not to pay, Aquino eventually chose to honor all the debts that were previously incurred in order to clear the country’s image. Her decision proved to be unpopular but Aquino defended that it was the most practical move. It was crucial for the country at that time to regain the investors’ confidence in the Philippine economy. Since 1986, the Aquino administration has paid off $4 billion of the country’s outstanding debts to regain good international credit ratings and attract the attention of future markets. Nevertheless, the administration borrowed an additional $9 billion, increasing the national debt by $5 billion within six years time since the ouster of former President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986. Further, recognizing how crony capitalism zapped out the economy due to collusion between government and big business and adhering to the Catholic social principle of subsidiarity, President Aquino set out on a course of market liberalization agenda while at the same time emphasizing solidarity, people  empowerment and civic engagement to help alleviate poverty in the country. The Aquino administration also sought to bring back fiscal discipline in order as it aimed to trim down the government’s budget deficit that ballooned during Marcos’ term through privatization of bad government assets and deregulation of many vital industries. As president, Aquino sought out to dismantle the cartels, monopolies and oligopolies of important industries that were set up by Marcos cronies during the dark days of Martial Law, particularly in the sugar and coconut industries. By discarding these monopolies and allowing market-led prices and competition, small farmers and producers were given a fair chance to sell their produce and products at a more reasonable, competitive and profitable price. This, in a way, also helped a lot in improving the lot of farmers who are in dire need of increasing their personal income and earnings. It was also during Aquino’s time that vital economic laws such as the Built-Operate-Transfer Law, Foreign Investments Act and the Consumer Protection and Welfare Act were enacted. The economy posted a positive growth of 3.4% during her first year in office. But in the aftermath of the 1989 coup attempt by the rightist Reform the Armed Forces Movement, the Philippine economy remained stagnant. In her final year in office, inflation was raging at 17%, and unemployment was slightly over 10%, higher than the Marcos years. Overall, the economy under Aquino had an average growth of 3.8% from 1986 to 1992. Soon after taking office, Aquino declared that the presence of US military forces in the Philippines was an affront to national sovereignty. She ordered the United States military to vacate U.S. Naval Base Subic Bay and Clark Air Base. The US objected, pointing that they had leased the property and the leases were still in effect. Also, thousands of Filipinos worked at these military facilities and they would lose their jobs and the Filipino economy would suffer if the US Military moved out. The US stated that the facilities at Subic Bay were unequaled anywhere in Southeast Asia and a US pull out could make all of that region of the world vulnerable to an incursion by the Soviet Union or by a resurgent Japan. She refused to back down and insisted that the USA get out. The matter was still being debated when Mount Pinatubo erupted in June 1991, covering the entire area with volcanic ash. The destruction to the bases was so severe that the US decided that it would best to pull out after all, so the bases were closed and the United States  departed. President Aquino envisioned agrarian and land reform as the centerpiece of her administration’s social legislative agenda. However, her family background and social class as a privileged daughter of a wealthy and landed clan became a lightning rod of criticisms against her land reform agenda. On February 22, 1987, three weeks after the resounding ratification of the 1987 Constitution, agrarian workers and farmers marched to the historic Mendiola Street near the Malacaà ±an Palace to demand genuine land reform from Aquino’s administration. However, the march turned violent when Marine forces fired at farmers who tried to go beyond the designated demarcation line set by the police. As a result, 12 farmers were killed and 19 were injured in this incident now known as the Mendiola Massacre. This incident led some prominent members of the Aquino Cabinet to resign their government posts. In response to calls for agrarian reform, President Aquino issued Presidential Proclamation 131 and Executive Order 229 on July 22, 1987, which outlined her land reform program, which included sugar lands. In 1988, with the backing of Aquino, the new Congress of the Philippines passed Republic Act No. 6657, more popularly known as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law.† The law paved the way for the redistribution of agricultural lands to tenant-farmers from landowners, who were paid in exchange by the government through just compensation but were also allowed to retain not more than five hectares of land. However, corporate landowners were also allowed under the law to â€Å"voluntarily divest a proportion of their capital stock, equity or participation in favor of their workers or other qualified beneficiaries†, in lieu of turning over their land to the government for redistribution. Despite the flaws in the law, the Supreme Court upheld its constitutionality in 1989, declaring that the implementation of the comprehensive agrarian reform program provided by the said law, was â€Å"a revolutionary kind of expropriation.† Despite the implementation of CARP, Aquino was not spared from the controversies that eventually centered on Hacienda Luisita, a 6,453-hectare estate located in the Province of Tarlac, which she, together with her siblings inherited from her father Jose Cojuangco (Don Pepe) Critics argued that Aquino bowed to pressure from relatives by allowing stock redistribution under Executive Order 229. Canadian International Prize for Freedom, International Democracy Award from the International Association of Political Consultants on 1986. Prize For Freedom Award from Liberal International on 1987. In 1993 she achieved the Special Peace Award from the Aurora Aragon Quezon Peace Awards Foundation and Concerned Women of the Philippines. She also achieved Path to Peace Award on 1995. J. Willia Fullbright Prize for International Understanding from the U.S Department of State. Also Ramon Magsaysay Award for International Understanding and Pearl S. Buck on 1998. In 1999, she achieved One of Time Magazine’s 20 Most Influential Asians of the 20th Century. World Citizenship Award on 2001. In 2005, she also achieved the David Rockefeller Bridging Leadership Awards and One of the World’s Elite Women Who Make a Difference by the International Women’s Forum Hall of Fame. One of Time Magazine’s 65 Asian Heroes on 2006. One of Different View’s 15 Champions of World Democracy on 2008. Aquino also achieved the EWC Asia Pacific Community Building Award, Women’s International Center International Leadership Living Legacy Award, Martin Luther King, Jr. Nonviolent Peace Prize, and United Nations Development Fund for Women Noel Foundation Life Award.